The Stick, the Carrot and the Watchdog

In the latest of a series of attacks on the frail economic sovereignty of the nation, the UPA government has decided to raise the foreign direct investment (FDI) limit in the telecom sector to 74 per cent from the current ceiling of 49 per cent. This comes close on the heels of the decision to disinvest 10 per cent share of BHEL, one of the navaratna companies.

The government’s main argument in favour of this step is that this is necessary to augment tele-density. But our tele-density has gone up nearly five-fold in the last five years. The Indian telecom firms in the public and the private sectors have achieved this without much FDI, and they can meet any practicable target on their own. The official story thus falls flat on facts.

It may be recalled that the union communications minister Arun Shourie had publicly expressed his desire to achieve the 74 per cent target, but could not go ahead because of serious objections from the Intelligence Bureau. Now Chidambaram accomplishes the task. He claims to have addressed the nation’s security concerns by stipulating that the majority directors on the board of any telecom firm – including the chairperson, the managing director and the CEO – and top technical officers shall be resident Indian citizens. But does the nationality of high officials always safeguard the nation’s best interests? The Indian experience, including the track record of our most illustrious finance ministers, does not seem to suggest that. More important, the TNCs have all the means – economic, technological, managerial and other – to cheat, coerce, manipulate and subjugate joint ventures and whole industries once they gain a strong foothold there. And given the role of telecom in the information age, in this particular sector that amounts to foreigners acquiring control over a nation’s central nervous system, so to say. Electronic eavesdropping on telephone and other communication lines is rampant nowadays, and with overwhelming foreign presence, information security for civil administration, defense, and financial sectors will be a thing of the past. Surely it is not for nothing that all countries from the USA to China and Japan to Taiwan have made it a point to maintain a FDI cap of 25 to 49 per cent in this strategic sector.

The telecom policy has naturally evoked a barrage of protests from the true custodians of national interest, the working people. To placate them, the FM has come up with a carrot too, hiking PF interest to 9.5 per cent. Now, this was the rate that prevailed before Chidambaram got it slashed first thing after assuming office, so in fact just the old rate is going to be restored. Moreover, the FM remains non-committal on how the added interest will be provided for. Then there is a hidden cost, too. The bar on investment of PF funds in the share market is removed, which means the fund itself will now be subjected to speculative risks, even as the fresh inflow of money jacks up share prices and helps the FIIs, which nowadays call the shots at the browses, to fatten themselves.

The simultaneous announcement of the two decisions has naturally been accompanied by reports of a clandestine deal of give and take between the government and the friendly Left. The latter has emphatically denied this and launched a campaign against the FDI hike in telecom. Yet the impression lingers on because, no matter whether there was a specific ‘deal’ in this particular case, it remains a fact that the UPA government operates within a framework of overall understanding, close liaison and formalised coordination with the parliamentary Left. Secondly, the open and indiscriminate wooing of foreign investment by the West Bengal government – a policy re-endorsed in the recent WB Sate conference of the CPI(M) in the name of ‘utilising globalisation in the people’s interest and creating jobs’ and ‘ advancing class struggle along the path of development’ – makes it clear that the Left Front’s opposition to the hike in FDI cap is more rhetorical than real.

All this, however, does not prevent the self-styled ‘watch dog’ from barking. It barks on the streets, it will bark in the house when it assembles for the budget session. But, as the adage goes, the dog that barks seldom bites.

Jharkhand: CPI(ML) Set to Write a New Chapter

In this first-ever polls to the Legislative Assembly in Jharkhand after its creation four years back, CPI(ML) has fielded its candidates from 28 out of the total 81 constituencies in the state. Out of this, polls in 13 constituencies have already concluded on 3 February. These constituencies lie in Hazaribagh and Palamu commissionaries of North Chhota Nagpur region. Primarily it is in this region that during the past four-five years the Party has been able not only to assimilate newer social forces but also expand its work in newer areas. As a consequence, out of the 13 seats we are contesting in this region our Party is presenting a tough challenge to the opponents in at least 10 seats, and in some of them we are in a position to influence results. Out of these there are five seats where we are in a position to win. These include three seats Bagodar, Rajdhanwar and Jamua of Giridih district, Mandu in Hazaribagh and Panki in Palamu district. Out of these, victory is almost certain in at least in Bagodar and Dhanwar of Giridih district.

Giridih

The ghastly killing of Comrade Mahendra Singh had no doubt shaken the whole Party and the comrades, sympathisers and people of Jharkhand. But the way our forces and the democratic sections of the society reacted to this incident, kept politics in command and exposed the role of state power and BJP in particular, it became clear that the conspiracy hatched by BJP has utterly failed in the context of elections in Giridih district. Anticipating the fourth successive victory of CPI(ML) from Bagodar seat an unholy nexus had formed among coal smuggler mafia, criminals, touts and looters, who had planned to defeat Comrade Mahendra Singh by hook or by crook. Ultimately, shamelessly disregarding the sympathy and support of the masses towards our Party in this constituency at the eve of the elections, these forces belonging to the ruling class parties including BJP and even JMM left no stone unturned to bribe the voters and resorting to other unfair means. However, none of their conspiratorial tactics could succeed before the rock-like unity of the people of Bagodar and undaunted alertness of Maley cadres. Although still a polarisation among the voters has taken place between CPI(ML) and JMM, rest of the parties are not even in the race and Comrade Vinod Singh, the Party candidate from this seat and the son of martyr Comrade Mahendra Singh, is receiving unprecedented support throughout the constituency. It is apparent that our victory this time would be historic, because half of the total electorate of 1.42 lack have seemly sided with us. Of other parties, only JMM might be able to save face.

In the adjacent assembly constituency of Rajdhanwar, the powerful unity among dalits and backwards has for past some time been able to check the incidents of administrative bungling and booth capturing. Actually, following the formation of Jharkhand the RJD has progressively weakened in this North Chhota Nagpur belt and the backward and minority mass base that was earlier with RJD has shifted towards our Party. On the other hand the whole mass base of the old communist parties, like the CPI, has joined our Party from a revolutionary perspective as a result of long term ideological struggle. Although the above-mentioned twin tendencies are spread over the whole North Chhota Nagpur, Giridih district has become the epicenter of the phenomenon. This apart, small traders have also for the first time shown their strong support towards Maley. The way BJP embezzled development fund during its rule, patronized criminals and lumpen element and protected the feudal domination and aggressiveness against the rising assertion of dalits and backwards – all this has now turned into the millstone around its neck. Because of all this, our position in Rajdhanwar has much improved in this constituency. Notably, despite all administrative bungling and upper-caste sway our candidate Comrade Rajkumar Yadav could be defeated by a margin of around 2000 votes in the last assembly elections from this constituency, i.e., before the division of Bihar.

Although some rowdy BJP feudal elements have tried to hinder voters from dalit and weaker sections on the day of the polls, and polled even more than 90% of votes in the booths captured by them, and even there is news of bungling in the 14 booths in the areas controlled by “Maoists”, still our Party has a strong position in this constituency. Attempts to cut into our votes by the Samajwadi Party candidate would have been neutralised by the LJP candidate who cut into the BJP vote bank. Though CPI(ML), JMM and BJP are the main contenders in this constituency, the advantage in this three-cornered contest is clearly with our Party. Only if BJP succeeds in an unheard of administrative bungling can its candidate scrape through this time.

In Jamua, the third seat from Giridih district, the sitting MLA Baldev Hajra was an RJD candidate. Earlier he was in CPI and used to win from this constituency on CPI ticket but only with decisive support from RJD. When in the last assembly elections CPI broke with RJD to come into an alliance with CPI(ML), Baldev Hajra deserted CPI to join RJD and fight on its ticket. This time, the accumulated wrath against him among the people had piled up to teach him a lesson but his nomination was rejected by the Returning Officer on technical grounds. Thus the accumulated wrath, which was definitely to our benefit, has got dissipated. However, our newly expanded organisational network in this constituency and the polarisation of backwards-dalits and minorities in our favour have brought our Party into a front-ranking contestant in this seat. To counter our political initiative and advantage, RJD has announced to support a BJP leader who is contesting as an independent. In fact, in the prevailing political equation the RJD candidate in the adjacent Rajdhanwar seat has gone out of the race, so JMM had fielded a Muslim candidate there, only to attract minority votes in Jamua, banking on the Congress tactics of Dalit-minorities combination. On the other hand CPI(ML), though a newly emergent political force in this constituency, enjoys support from all the sections of the people including minority and a section of upper caste. A new phenomenon in Jamua is that the struggle on the question of development there is not limited to dalits and backwards but it has given rise to polarisation among the upper caste people. The polling has gone to 60% this time and the fight is triangular between CPI(ML), JMM and BJP. The margin of victory in this constituency is destined to be very low because of this fact.

Hazaribagh

Mandu constituency has been a strong CPI(ML) bastion for the past decades. In this area which is rich in coalmines but backward in agriculture, our candidate has polled second in the last two elections consecutively, giving a tough time to JMM stalwart Teklal Mahato. This time Teklal, after becoming MP, has fielded his own son. On this, there is a strong resentment among the JMM followers. On the other hand, our work has considerably expanded and consolidated in this seat and we have intervened actively on each and every issue of adivasis and poor people of this region. This has brought a polarisation further in our favour and our ranks are upbeat. During the campaign CPI(ML) has come up as an effective force. In this constituency, where the poll was 56%, “Maoists” have their stronghold in the dense forest range and polling party do not even go to a number of booths. Earlier JMM used to capture all these booths, but this time the division in JMM because of another powerful Kurmi candidate has minimised the scope of such unhindered bungling. A strange phenomenon in this constituency is that there are around ten candidates who may poll around 10,000 votes. In this situation of splintering of JMM base, the outcome is anybody’s case. Our Party is definitely a strong contender in the race here.

Palamu

Panki constituency of this district is represented by an opportunist and renegade Madhu Singh who has been winning this seat since 1990 and became a JD minister in the BJP led government. On the other hand, the fact that RJD has fielded its notorious strongman Videsh Singh as its candidate made the contest for seat quite interesting. Our candidate Dr. B.N. Singh is behind the bars for the past one year, still there is a powerful polarisation of dalits and weaker sections of the society in CPI(ML)’s favour; so much that it became the talk of the whole commissionary that CPI(ML) will win this seat. However, the main problem was to check booth capturing. The administration was divided in conniving with these two strongmen. Whereas the assistant RO worked in Madhu Singh’s favour, two police picket incharges and an OC worked in favour of Videsh Singh.

On the polling day it was quite visible that people on their own might resisted booth capturing. In the booths falling in the area dominated by “Maoists” incidents of booth-capturing have not been heard. The poll rate was 45% and the contest, though seemingly triangular, is mainly between CPI(ML) and RJD. People have maintained their tilt in Maley’s favour till the end. If the administrative bungling is minimized and checked, Palamu commissionary may also be the one to send its first CPI(ML) representative to the Assembly of Jharkhand.

Many Political Parties Condemn Abrogation of Democracy in Nepal

In a meeting held on Feb 5 in New Delhi, representatives of various political parties strongly condemned the abrogation of democracy in Nepal and decried the army crackdown and repression unleashed on innocent people.

It was decided to extend all moral and political support to the democratic forces in Nepal and the people of Nepal who will not take this attack on democracy lying down.

The meeting called upon the Govt. of India that it should be made clear to Nepal that this palace coup is unacceptable and demand the restoration of democracy in Nepal immediately.

The meeting was attended by leaders of CPI(ML), CPI(M), CPI, Forward Bloc, NCP, RJD, Socialist Front and SJP. RSP, JD-Secular and Samajwadi Party conveyed their agreement with the decisions of the meeting.

It has also been decided to hold a national convention for the restoration of democracy in Nepal on 24 February at New Delhi.

Earlier, on Feb 3, many left and democratic organisations including All India Students' Association, Forum for Democratic Initiatives, AINFSU, Akhil Bharatiya Nepali Vampanthi Yuva Morcha, JNU Students' Union held a protest demonstration under the banner of 'Anti Monarchy Front' to condemn this blatant attack on democracy and the people of Nepal. The demonstrators were arrested by the police in a bid to prevent them from reaching in front of Embassy of Nepal. Later the protest was held at Parliament Street. CPI(ML) Delhi unit condemned the police action terming it quite reprehensible.

Lakhimpur-Kheri: Strengthening People's Struggle against Increasing Repression

Police arrested a staff reporter of Amar Ujala, Samiuddin ‘Neelu’, on Feb 9. He has played an important role in exposing the land-mafia and foodgrain scam in Lakhimpur-Kheri. While going home from his office, he was picked up by the police and kept and tortured at gunpoint in the bushes in a remote area for whole night and threatened to be killed in encounter. He was forced to sign a dozen blank papers at gunpoint and falsely implicated in Wild Life Act for smuggling tiger and alligator skins, rhino tusks, lion nails and sandalwood and sent to jail. Such case may also serve as a background for imposing even draconian Acts like NSA. 'Neelu' is a prominent journalist in the district known for his fearless, honest and pro-people reporting. He was already facing victimisation and fearing arrest. He had informed the Chief Minister, NHRC, Minorities Commission and other forums many days in advance of such happening. But, to continue its protection to the mafia and the bureaucracy, the UP govt. did not take any action.

Earlier police, at the behest of district SP NJ Padmja, arrested AIPWA National Secretary Ajanta Lohit and Terai Kisan Sabha leader Allauddin Shashtri on 4 February along with 86 other activists. On 8th, 74 were released but 12 leading persons including Ajantaji and Shastriji were rearrested and several non-bailable cases were clamped on them relating to some old incident of 6 August '04 in which these persons were not present. Ajantaji is a cancer patient and Shastriji is an old and ailing person. One woman activist Anuradha who is in advanced stage of pregnancy has also been arrested. All these 12 were sent to jail. Comrade Shastri was also kept in solitary confinement. Houses of CPI(ML) activists are still being raided and family members being detained and harassed in the name of interrogation in Lakhimpur-Kheri.

Braving police terror and unprecedented repression, CPI(ML) held a dharna to condemn and protest this blatant violation of all civic and democratic norms and the nexus of criminals and bureaucracy on Feb 14 . They demanded a high level inquiry of this nexus and release of all arrested persons. A wave of protests has engulfed the whole of Lakhimpur-Kheri and adjoining Pilibhit where various organisations are protesting the arrests of the journalist 'Neelu' and CPI(ML) leaders. Many journalist associations, traders organisations and political parties have condemned and protested the arrest of the journalist. They are demanding the removal of the SP of Kheri. On 13th a blockade was held at Puranpur and effigy of the SP was burnt in Tikri.

In face of people's pressure, many elected representatives of the area have given statements condemning the incident, while the Chief Minister Mulayam Singh tried to divert the issue by giving assurance that an inquiry will be conducted into the arrest incident of the journalist. Even the Speaker of the UP Assembly gave an assurance that he will also raise this question in the assembly. Ironically, none of them condemned the role of the concerned SP and the district administration. They did not mince a single word against the scams and the mafia-bureaucrat nexus.

But the increasing people's pressure and widespread condemnation has fully exposed the fact that Mulayam Singh govt. is being run by mafia, criminals, corrupt bureaucrats and corrupt and criminal politicians.

CPI(ML) plans to intensify the agitation and a massive dharna will be held in front of the UP Assembly from 20-23 Feb. Party has also demanded from the National Human Rights Commission to intervene into the matter so that a thorough inquiry is conducted into the scams, all arrested leaders and the journalist are unconditionally released, false cases are revoked and stern action is taken against erring officials.

Rally by Bangali Shoshit Samaj Sangrami Manch

Bangali Shoshit Samaj Sangrami Manch held a demonstration in Pilibhit to press upon the long pending demand of inclusion of Bangla speaking dalit castes into the scheduled caste list of UP and Uttaranchal and ownership rights over the land they were rehabilitated upon decades ago. They also demanded release of arrested CPI(ML) leaders in Lakhimpur-Kheri district, withdrawal of all cases framed by the police, arrest of murderers of Comrade Mahendra Singh, redistribution of ceiling surplus land to agri. labourers and a stop to illegal practice of usury through a memorandum sent to the Chief Minister of UP.

The rally, held on Feb 9, was led by BSSSM Convener Devashish Roy and CPI(ML) District Committee member Kishan Lal Advocate. Speakers criticized the governments in centre as well as in the state for politically using the sentiments of lakhs of rehabilitated Bangali citizens. although they enjoyed SC status in almost eight states in the country

WSF-05: Signs of Change?

The Fifth World Social Forum meet ended on 31 Jan 2005 with a march participated by some 50,000 people against FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas) at Porto Alegre, the usual site for holding this annual meet. This meet, held for the first time in 2001, was initially purported to be a platform of various non-governmental organisations of the world against the World Economic Forum (WEF), the meet held simultaneously by the rich countries at Davos. However, soon it became one of the major critique of the WSF, even on the part of a significant section of the insiders, that the Forum had turned into a sort of get-together, a carnival devoid of the capacity of any purposeful intervention against the predatory advances of American imperialism. The present meet was joined by over 155,000 people from 135 countries.

This time, however, there was a change in the tone and tenor of the whole meet. Hinting at this change President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela said, “It is time to take a step and this fifth WSF could be the beginning of a new phase, and the next five years should be accompanied by a world social agenda. To that agenda we must add a strategy of power.” Elaborating the concept he said, “It is a matter of power and counter-power, of hegemony and counter-hegemony, of seeing which proposal prevails in the world. Whether it is the project of destroying this beautiful planet, or our project, which is the project of life, against the project of death, and see which prevails in the end.” The mood was also confirmed by the WSF “Hemispheric Committee” that not the traditional Porto Alegre, Brazil, but Venezuela will be host of the next Forum, which was greeted by roar of approval.

The difference was also made by issuance of a 12-point Manifesto launched by 19 WSF intellectuals including Jose Saramago, Walden Bello, Francois Houtart, Samir Amin, Tariq Ali, Immanuel Wallerstein, etc., on 29 January, which included 12 demands set forth to the industrialised North, which was seen by its promoters as a means of achieving a “consensus”. The Manifesto cuts to the heart of the debate between those who want to preserve the original nature of the WSF as a space for reflection and exchange of ideas, and others who believe that the time has come to move on to concrete actions. According to the proponents of the Manifesto, it represents a courageous, bold step necessary to convert the WSF into an effective political force for global change.

Although this 12-point agenda does not exactly revolutionises the tents and fields of the World Social Forum, because, as one NGO pointed it out, “The document misses an important issue: that of peace and war, that is dominant nowadays in the international agenda, together with the economy and an important field of work for the civil society.” But it certainly filled up the political talk in the forum. Francisco ‘ Chico’ Whitaker, one of the prime movers of the Forum since its inception, and a member of the International Committee, defended the initial concept of the Forum “as a free space, not a movement.” In doing so, he distanced himself from the public figures who signed the Porto Alegre Manifesto. Currently, WSF still sees itself as facilitating “decentralized coordination and networking among organisations engaged in concrete action towards building another world, at any level from the local to the international, but it does not intend to be a body representing world civil society”.

Comrade Anil Baruah Remembered

Comrade Anil Kr. Baruah, erstwhile Secretary of CPI(ML) Assam State Committee, member of the CC and the founder General Secretary of Sadou Asom Janasanskritik Parishad, was remembered at different places in Assam on 11 February, his martyrdom day.

AIPWA state unit observed this day a part of its Nari Jagaran Abhiyan and took out processions, staged dharna, held mass meetings and seminars in Tinsukia, Dibrugarh, Jorhat, Raha (Nagaon), Behali etc. In Dibrugarh, women staged road blockade at NH 37 in Betani Chari Ali, Khowang. Women's organiszation is leading a successful movement against menace of liquor here. In Tinsukia, a seminar was organized and a procession was brought out to the DC office to hand over a memorandum to the DC. In Guwahati, a meeting was organized by Sadou Guwahati Janasanskritik Parishad.

A Two-day cadre convention of Sadou Asom Gramin Sramik Santha (All Assam Rural Workers' Union ) was held on 11-12 February at Pathsala. It was attended by 187 delegates from Tinsukia, Dibrugarh, Jorhat, Sonitpur, Nagaon, Silchar, Kamrup, Cachar, Bagsa and Cachar districts of the state. A massive procession and a mass meeting was held on the first day. This was addressed by CPI(ML) State Secretary Rubul Sarma. He stressed on developing struggling unity of working people at grass-root level and called upon to come out for political change. He said that this is the only way to achieve unity and integrity of the society against communal division and a befitting rebuff to the divisive and fascist forces. The conference unanimously adopted the report and elected a 13-member State Executive with Shyamanta Acharya as President and Robin Goswami as Secretary. It was also resolved to hold a March to Dispur on 28 March. The Conference also decided to take active part to make the forthcoming AICCTU National Conference a grand success.

New Initiative at Karur

A seminar was held on 13 February at Karur, an industrial district predominated by textiles, on “Textile crisis and the future of the workers of Karur”. Tailors dominate the textile industry as the town was focusing on manufacturing varieties of home furnishings meant primarily for exports. The party has taken initiative to float a trade union and the seminar was addressed by Kumarsamy, CCM, N.K.Natarajan, National secretary of AICCTU and was presided over by Ramachandran, District Secretar