CPI(ML) HOME Vol.6, No.18 April 30- May 6, 2003

 

In this Issue:

Editorial...

Are India and Pakistan going to talk again?

A few days ago, Prime Minister Vajpayee called for an early resumption of talks between India and Pakistan during his visit to Srinagar. And now we are told his Pakistani counterpart has called him telephonically to thank him for the offer. Observers of the India-Pakistan dialogue are however aware that it takes much more than just such mutual acknowledgement for the two sides to begin talking. The road map of Indo-Pak diplomacy is always drawn somewhere else.

Just a few weeks ago, senior Indian ministers were busy calling for a pre-emptive strike on Pakistan. External Affairs Minister Yashwant Sinha used the floor of Parliament and the discussion over a resolution condemning Bush's Iraq war to suggest that Pakistan was a much more ideal and urgent case to warrant a pre-emptive war without UN approval than Iraq. No wonder, Pakistani ministers too started making similar claims about India. But within a few days the Indian Prime Minister goes to Srinagar and makes a generous-sounding offer for resumption of talks.

What happened during just these few days to warrant such a marked change of tone? Nobody could have missed a remark by Colin Powell saying any comparison between Iraq and Pakistan was misplaced and asking India to refrain from issuing such provocative statements.

The other thing that happened was a change of stage from Delhi to Srinagar. The irony of the whole thing is hard to miss. At the time of the Agra summit between President Musharraf and Prime Minister Vajpayee, our rulers made such a fuss about talking Kashmir to Pakistan. Never mind if the 1972 Shimla Agreement had specifically called for resolving all outstanding disputes including Kashmir through bilateral negotiations. But when an Indian Prime Minister visited Srinagar after fifteen years, that is to say, for the first time since the latest phase of militancy started in 1989, the biggest announcement he had to make was to hold out an offer for talks with Pakistan!

Vajpayee knew it only too well that any threat of war over Kashmir would never appeal to his Srinagar audience, people who have been fighting for years for peace, dignity and democracy. Sharing platform with the Chief Minister, he even endorsed the so-called healing touch policy of the Mufti government.

Soon after Vajapayee returned to Delhi, the language already started changing. The official interpretations and clarifications issued in Delhi about Vajpayee's Srinagar offer repeated the usual line: no talks till cross-border terrorism is stopped. Since cross-border terrorism is all that the government acknowledges about the Kashmir problem, the condition could well be put as 'no talks till the Kashmir problem is resolved'!

Meanwhile, every political visit, every new step or policy initiative in Kashmir is invariably marked by an increase in sensational acts of terror. The latest in the series has been the suicide squad attack on Srinagar radio station. Ironically, responsibility for the attack has been owned by the same Al-Madina group which was earlier involved in the hijacking of an Indian Airlines aircraft in Kathmandu. That time Jaswant Singh had fulfilled the hijackers' demand by escorted the militants to Kandahar and letting them free in the presence of representatives of the Taliban regime. If Jaswant Singh could have done that to secure the release of the passengers held hostage by the hijackers, talks can surely be held with the organisations of Kashmiri militants and with Pakistan in spite of terrorist provocations. After all the whole of Kashmir has long been crying for freedom from the crossfire between Indian and Pakistani forces and between Kashmiri militant organisations and Indian security forces.

To know whether India and Pakistan will talk again soon, we will probaly have to read the lips of American officials. As long as this situation continues, there is no point in asking the next question: will the next round of talks be any more successful than the aborted Agra summit? Meaningful talks can never be held till India and Pakistan get rid of the wrong analogy of Bush's Iraq war. An India-Pakistan war is much more comparable to the Iraq-Iran war which weakened both and left the whole region vulnerable to American military invasion and political manipulations. Let us not forget that American troops are already stationed in Pakistan and now the US defence department has also informed India that the US Air Force and Navy are very much interested in having access to bases and other military facilities in India.

Make 21 May All India Strike a Success

The meeting of central office bearers of AICCTU was held on 19-20 April 2003 in Delhi. Comrade Yogeshwar Gope presided over the meeting.

The meeting called upon the whole membership of AICCTU and its affiliated organizations to further intensify the campaign against the US aggression and take it to every nook and corner of the country. The meeting decided to make this issue the main focus of our propaganda for preparation of 21 May All-India Strike.

The meeting decided to launch nationwide intensive campaign centering certain sectors and industrial area from May Day for the success of 21 May General Strike.

3rd State Party Conference in Rajasthan

The 3-day conference of Rajasthan Party organization was held at Jhunjhnu, which concluded on 24 April 2003 with a call to build a new Rajasthan while launching militant mass struggles against communal fascist BJP and anti-people Congress. The conference was inaugurated by Polit Bureau member Comrade Swadesh Bhattacharya, who called upon the Party ranks to impart newer dimensions to political struggles by mobilizing agrarian labourers, construction workers, dalits, adivasis and student-youth in the state and build Party structure to the grassroots. Comrade Swadesh Bhattacharya also observed that by spreading communal venom through trishul distribution, VHP led by Togadia wants to subsume the popular movement against drought, water, electricity and unemployment under their Hindutwa plank. He urged upon the activists to wage a persistent struggle to sweep the saffron ambitions in the high tide of mass struggles.

Prior to the inauguration on 22 April, a public meeting was held at Gandhi Chowk to mark the 34th anniversary of Party foundation, which was addressed by Com. Srilata Swaminathan. The conference elected a 9 member committee with Com. Mahendra Chaudhary as its secretary. A seven-point resolution was also passed by the conference

State Party School in Assam

State Party School on 7th Party Congress documents was held at Borgang in Assam on 21-22 April. Comrades Rubul Sarma, Naren Borah, Bibek Das, Pankaj Das and Arup Mohanta presented different chapters of the Political Organisational Report for discussion. It was decided to conduct district level schools immediately.

On 22 April, Assam State Committee observed 34th anniversary of Party foundation at Behali in Sonitpur. Com. Rubul Sarma, State Secretary hoisted the Party flag. After paying homage to the martyrs, the Central Committee's call was read out and Com. Sarma spoke on the urgent tasks.

Party Strengthening Campaign in Bihar

In order to build a militant mass resistance against imperialism and fascism and build a consolidated and strong communist party, Bihar State Committee has launched a 4-point programme basing on the slogans: (i) Recruit and organise maximum number of agrarian labourers; (ii) make panchayats the centre of struggle and ensure the revolutionary role of people's representatives; (iii) Read and propagate Lokyudh, recruit subscribers; (iv) Study and practice 7th Party Congress documents. The campaign has started with holding cadre conventions on Party Foundation Day and it will be completed in three phases.

Students Protest Accidental Death, Lathicharge

A student died in a bus collision near Chiraiyatanr bridge in Patna on 24 April. Holding the poor traffic maintenance responsible for the accidental death of the student, hundreds of students under AISA banner staged a demonstration at the accident site and blocked the road. However, no official came to talk with them. The students then decided to block the road at Dakbungalow Square and started marching. In the midway police blocked their march and conducted lathicharge in an unprovoked manner. During the lathicharge, a dozen of students including AISA leaders Abhyuday and Navin sustained injuries. The police arrested three students and falsely implicated them in theft and robbery cases. To oppose the police highhandedness 400 high school students of Patna assembled and took out a protest march from Shaheed Bhagat Singh Chowk. On 26 April, effigy of Rabri government was burnt throughout the state on the demand of release of all the arrested innocent students and sacking of the DSP guilty of the lathicharge. RYA City Committee burned effigy of Rabri Govt. at Kankarbagh in Patna on 27 April. Comrade Ram Naresh Ram, Polit Bureau member and leader of CPI(ML) legislature group went to Beur Jail in Patna to meet the arrested students.

US Seeks Military Bases in India

A classified report commissioned by the United States Department of Defence, a copy of which is available with rediff.com, states that America wants access to Indian bases and military infrastructure with the United States Air Force specifically desiring the establishment of airbases in India.

The report on the future of Indo-US military relations, being distributed among decision-makers in the United States and made available to a handful of senior members of the Indian government, also speaks of the USAF's desire for 'having access closer to areas of instability'.

"American military officers are candid in their plans to eventually seek access to Indian bases and military infrastructure. India's strategic location in the centre of Asia, astride the frequently traveled Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC) linking the Middle East and East Asia, makes India particularly attractive to the US military," the report says.

The report can be distributed only with the permission of Director, Net Assessment, Office of the Secretary of Defence. The report is the most comprehensive picture of American perspective of its military relation with India and its future aspirations. To some extent it also uncovers Indian military thinking vis-à-vis the US.

It has quoted US lieutenant generals as saying that the access to India bases would enable the US military 'to be able to touch the rest of the world' and to 'respond rapidly to regional crises'.

The report, prepared by Juli A MacDonald, an associate at Booz Allen Hamilton, for the department of defence, is based on interviews of 42 key Americans, including 23 active military officers, 15 government officials and four others.

In India MacDonald met 10 active Indian military officers and five government officials besides several members of the National Security Council, and outside experts advising the government. For understandable reasons, none of the individuals are identified by name, but by their ranks or other positions. The report points out that many American military planners are thinking about 'different sets of allies and friends for addressing a future strategic environment in Asia that may be dramatically different from today'.

"For many, India is the most attractive alternative. For this reasons, several Americans underscored that eventual access to Indian military infrastructure represents a critical 'strategic hedge' against dramatic changes in traditional US relationships in Asia," the report says.

A South Asia Foreign Area Officer of the US state department has been quoted as saying that India's strategic importance increases if existing US relationships and arrangements in Asia fails.

He cites three key possibilities for that: If US relations with other traditional allies (eg Japan, South Korea and Saudi Arabia) becomes more acrimonious or politically uncomfortable for both parties; or if access rights that the US takes for granted become more restrictive; or if our traditional relationships collapse resulting in a US military withdrawal.

The Foreign Area Officer, who specialises on South Asia and is among those few American diplomats who can converse in Hindi, says, "The United States needs to develop alternatives in Asia. India is the optimal choice if we can overcome the obstacles in building the relationship."

An American Colonel says, "The US Navy wants a relatively neutral territory on the opposite side of the world that can provide ports and support for operations in the Middle East. India not only has a good infrastructure, the Indian Navy has proved that it can fix and fuel US ships. Over time, port visits must become a natural event. India is a viable player in supporting all naval missions, including escorting and responding to regional crises. In the same vein, the US Air Force would like the Indians to be able to grant them access to bases and landing rights during operations, such as counter-terrorism and heavy airlift support."

It is significant that during the 1991 Gulf War-I, India provided refueling facility to US warplanes. And during Operation Enduring Freedom, several US warships used Indian facilities for rest and recuperation. As part of Operation Enduring Freedom, Indian naval ships provided escorts to merchant vessels from North Arabian Sea till Strait of Malacca in the most active cooperation with US navy in history. In fact, it is in naval cooperation that America sees the immediate future of Indo-US military relations. It is not just access to bases and ports that the US military hopes to get in India, but also training facilities in India.

A common theme among high-ranking American officers is that the US military would benefit from training with Indians, particularly if the training could occur on Indian territory. "India has a variety of landscapes, from ice-clad mountains to deserts, and it would help the Americans because military training ranges shrinking and becoming increasingly controversial in the US," the report says. And for the US navy training with Indian navy is the best way to become 'proficient in the Indian Ocean region', the report adds.

The American decision-makers 'believe that the military relationship should result in shared technology and capabilities, and ultimately they would like to be able to respond jointly to regional crises'.

Such American dreams are sure to set off significant political resentment as it would offset India's long held tradition of non-alignment, especially its military neutrality. In real terms it would indicates how India, thrust strategically into the Indian Ocean, could emerge as America's key ally in Asia as the continent goes through a historic political churning.

BKU Leaders Begin Indefinite Hunger Strike

Punjab unit of Bharatiya Kisan Union (Ekta) leaders, including President Pishora Singh Siddhupur and Senior Vice President Ruldu Singh, began their indefinite hunger strike on 21 April at Matka Chowk, Chandigarh, in an effort to force the State Government to accept the longstanding demands of farmers including free electricity and water for irrigation. In solidarity CPI(ML)-Liberation leaders including Comrades Jita Kaur and Rajvinder Rana also sat on the hunger strike with the BKU activists.

Earlier, a BKU(Ekta) protest march was taken out towards the Chief Minister Amrinder Singh's residence along with a hundreds of activists, but were stopped at the Matka Chowk, where leaders of BKU(Ekta) and CPI(ML) began their indefinite fast.

AICCTU Decries Second Labour Commission Report in Bangalore

A public meeting was held in Peenya industrial estate by AICCTU on 26 April, 03 to expose the recommendations of the Second Labour Commission. A booklet on this issue was released to workers on the ocassion. Attractive posters depicting the plight of the workers due to globalisation and proposed amendments to the labour laws were on display an the venue of the meeting. Comrades V. Govindarajan, Subramani and G.A. Srinivas addressed the meeting and Com. Krishnappa conducted the proceedings.

Look the WMD trick!

The controversy about Iraq's putative weapons of mass destruction (WMD) is becoming murkier. While no trace of these has yet been found, the UN's chief weapons inspector, Hans Blix, has leveled charges against both the US and Britain which are highly disturbing, to say the least. Following his earlier allegation that these countries were 'bent' on going to war even when the UN weapons inspectors were engaged in their job, Mr Blix has now accused them of producing 'forged' documents to substantiate their claim about Iraq possessing the dreaded weapons. Considering the charges about the WMD had been made at the highest level in the US and Britain - by President Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair - the allegation that they were basing their case on documents of dubious value is an event which is rare in international diplomacy.

Considering that Mr Bush had gone to the extent of detailing Iraq's supposed transgressions in this field in his State of Union address, it is something of a shock to realize that the charges were without much substance. Mr Bush had said, for instance, that Iraq had 30,000 munitions, 500 tonnes of chemical weapons, 25,000 litres of anthrax and 38,000 liters of botulinum toxin. Mr Blair too, had no doubt that Iraq harboured these deadly weapons while US Secretary of State Colin Powell tried to convince the Security Council with satellite pictures about Iraq's mendacity. In fact, its possession of WMD was the primary reason why the US and Britain insisted on going to war as quickly as possible and were displeased about giving the weapons inspectors more time, as France, Russia and some other countries wanted.

Mr Blix's accusation is likely to carry greater weight now since the Americans haven't yet been able to find any of the WMD. Not only that, they are unwilling to allow the weapons inspectors to return to Iraq since the US wants to conduct the search on its own. Yet, as has been pointed out even in the American media, any 'discovery' which they make will carry little credibility after the allegation about the earlier forgery.

(Hindustan Times, Editorial, 24 April 2003)

Days of Iraqi Resistance

On 28 April, People in Baghdad staged a protest demonstration against Garner's so-called Iraqi Conference, a meeting of "leaders" of US choice. This was the second demonstration on this issue, after the first one on 15 April at Al Nasseriya, participated in by 20,000 people. "We want a new national conference," chanted the protestors led by dozens of religious leaders from the powerful Hawza Shiite school in the holy city of Najaf.

On April 26, hundreds of Baghdad residents launched anti-US protest after explosion of an Iraqi arms dump at Zaafaraniya in Baghdad outskirts took toll of 40 Iraqi civilians' life. Chanting anti-American slogans, residents blamed U.S. troops for the tragedy.

On April 25, hundreds of worshippers at a leading Sunni mosque in Baghdad denounced the American occupation of Iraq and vowed to launch a holy war if the troops did not withdraw soon. "No to 'Five-Star Opposition' Made in USA" "We are running out of patience with the Americans here", the protestors shouted.

On A pril 22, millions of breast-beating, self-flagellating Shiaite pilgrims converged in Karbala in an unprecedented explosion of popular feeling. While expressing their devotion to the Imam Hussein, slaughtered at Karbala in AD 680, they clearly showed their determination to take their destiny into their own hands. "We want a government that represents all Iraqi people, a government with an independent will", they shouted.

On April 18, around 10,000 marchers gathered outside a mosque to protest the American presence. Banners on the mosque's wall read: "Pull out tanks, don't provoke people" and "No to Shiaism, no to Sunnism, yes to Islamic unity". The speakers charged that "a government of Iraqi exiles imposed by the United States was unacceptable.

On the same day, 200,000 Iraqis took to streets across Iraq to Protest foreign occupation of their country. A few days back US troops had gunned down 19 protesters in the northern city of Mosul. Protestors demanded withdrawal of US and British occupation forces. In a powerful rebuff to Bush's claim to be the "liberator" of Iraq, Sunni and Shiaite Muslims and secular forces all answered the call for a united protest by the Abu Hanafi Mosque, a large Sunni religious center in Iraq after traditional Friday prayers. The marchers carried flags and banners saying "No to occupation" and demanding that the unity of Iraq be preserved. Organizers of the protest called themselves the Iraqi National United Movement representing both Shiite and Sunni Muslims.

 

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