CPI(ML) HOME Vol.5, No.42 October 16-22, 2002

 

In this Issue:

Editorial...

Will Peace Get a Chance in Kashmir?

If the just concluded elections to the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly have produced some glimmer of hope about the eventual beginning of a relatively credible political process, they have also shed a lot of light on the potholes and roadblocks that threaten to derail any hope of a new beginning.

It is being claimed that elections this time have been quite 'free and fair' by the 'democratic' standards that New Delhi has set for Srinagar. And to substantiate this claim, it is now being admitted that a good deal of coercion had indeed been used in the last Assembly and Parliament elections in the state! Probably we will have to wait till the next elections to hear similar frank admissions about the actual degree of fairness of this year's elections. Of course, the Vajpayee government took great care to ensure that the elections got a 'fair coverage' in the international media. Having made a lot of initial noise over the purported American advice about deployment of international observers to oversee the elections, New Delhi virtually acquiesced at the end. Liberal arrangements were made for representatives from Western diplomatic missions to watch the poll proceedings. Of course, representatives from Arab and Islamic countries were carefully left out.

If only the government had paid a fraction of this attention to creating a conducive atmosphere for the polls, the polls could have provided a more meaningful opening towards a solution of the Kashmir crisis. Absolutely no gesture was made in terms of releasing political prisoners or punishing security forces guilty of gross human rights violations. It was only after the Huriyat and several other organisations had made it clear that they would not be participating in the elections that the Kashmir Committee went into overdrive. Yet when someone like Shabbir Shah came to Delhi to meet the Prime Minister and his Deputy, they suddenly developed cold feet and Shah had to return humiliated. Under these circumstances it is not difficult to understand why the general mood during the Kashmir elections remained so sceptic and cynical.

Yet the elections have issued a number of significant signals. The BJP has had to rest content with just one 'consolation' seat in Jammu. Its RSS-backed ally, the Jammu State Morcha, could also secure only one seat. This shows that in spite of the best attempts of RSS, the idea of trifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir on a communal basis does not yet have many takers in the state. The defeat of the National Conference must have been scripted by many factors including its arrogant disregard for its own electorate. But clearly it has also had to pay a heavy price for its association with the NDA government at the Centre. Probably the NC would have fared worse in the event of a slightly bigger turnout.

More than the gains made by the Congress in Jammu, the impressive showing of the PDP is clearly the biggest news of the Kashmir elections. Another encouraging sign is the CPI(M)'s victory in two seats in the valley. In the delicate situation of Kashmir where women have been the worst victims of the spiralling militant and state violence, the rise of someone like Mehbooba Mufti as a new generation leader marks a reassuring and sobering development. By raising such 'taboo' issues as human rights violations and demanding disbanding of the notorious Special Operations Group and initiation of unconditional talks with both militants and Pakistan, the PDP has clearly struck a chord with the much aggrieved Kashmiri electorate.

The reponse of the Congress to the PDP's positions and the treatment meted out by the Centre to a possible Congress-PDP government in Jammu and Kashmir will now be closely watched by the whole of Jammu and Kashmir. The mockery of democracy in the 1987 elections followed by the deployment of Jag Mohan as the BJP-prescribed Governor during VP Singh's tenure had been a major factor behind the rise of militancy in the late 1980s and early 1990s. After fifteen years, a small possibility of peace seems to be opening up in the beleaguered battle-weary state. If the expectations aroused by the present elections are allowed to be belied, we may well be squandering one of the last chances of finding an amicable political solution to the Kashmir question.

Make the CPI(ML)'s 7th Congress a Great Success !!

Friends,
How shall we prevent the fascist cabal at the Centre from carrying out further destruction of our beloved motherland? How shall we give them a fitting rebuff? Today this one question has unquestionably emerged as the central challenge of Indian politics. From Srinagar to Salem and Surat to Silchar, the whole of India is today crying for a reassuring answer to this one question. The forthcoming Seventh Congress of the CPI(ML) to be held at Patna from 25-30 November will address itself to this biggest challenge facing the country.

The men in khaki shorts whose 'greatest credential' before coming to power was the act of demolition of a five-hundred-year-old mosque have proved beyond doubt that they can only operate as a demolition squad. Once in power, they have effectively insulated themselves from the much-dreaded long hand of the law so that they have all the freedom on the earth not only to resume their temple campaign but also to execute Gujarat-style genocides, and then add insult to the injury by painting the genocide as the ultimate glory for a province which used to be mistakenly associated with the Gandhian gospel of truth and non-violence.

On the economic front they have been true to their reputation of being merchants to the core. They have been liberally selling away the profit-making 'navratna' companies, the so-called jewels in the public sector crown. Bush and his men may have to wage war on Iraq to gain control over its oil economy, in India they do not even have to ask for it. The 'swadeshi' government of Vajpayee and Advani has adopted a policy of not only privatising the oil sector but also 'inviting' one hundred per cent foreign equity participation in this field of strategic importance.

Instead of handing out food and fertilizer subsidies, this government is doling out deaths. Mortgaging Indian agriculture to the WTO and giant agribusiness firms is what it calls its new agriculture policy. For the vast majority of our farming population, this policy means nothing but sowing distress and reaping a harvest of suicides and starvation deaths. Meanwhile, innovative ways are being devised to fill up the coffers of the rich and the powerful. Bank assets worth more than Rs. 58,000 crore are described as 'non-performing', a euphemism for money that has been systematically looted by private moneybags from the public kitty. Huge amounts have also been swindled away in a series of scams. And now the government is coming up with enormous 'bailout packages' so that the 'loot mela' can continue unhindered.

The RSS progeny in power may have thoroughly exposed themselves as a bunch of murderers and scamsters, but perhaps for this very reason they continue to be blessed by India's current and former masters - the Bush-Blair combine. In lieu of their loyal support to the Bush doctrine of global war, they enjoy local rights as a strategic partner and civilisational ally, standing guard as global capital explores and exploits the vast grazing ground called India. If in its formative years the RSS had distinguished itself as a network of police informers and carriers of the communal virus produced by the British colonialists, today they have the reputation of imparting the best knee training to perfect the art of genuflecting to the US imperialists.

Apart from the backing of the global masters, the saffron brigade also has its pool of domestic collaborators. The Congress of course claims to be the biggest contender, but a closer look at the Congress track record reveals that the party has really been the biggest benefactor for the saffron brigade. Between Indira Gandhi's reign of Emergency and the Rajiv-Rao era of acquiescence over Ayodhya, it is the Congress which has constantly supplied arms and ammunitions to the saffron brigade's arsenal. And as though the sustenance provided by the Congress was not enough, unscrupulous sections of the on-Congress camp came up with crucial doses of legitimacy. Opportunist politicians who never tire of invoking the legacies of Lohia, JP and Ambedkar have proved to be an excellent prop for the disciples of Golwalkar and admirers of Hitler.

When we talk about offering effective resistance to the fascist cabal of the Sangh Parivar, we must therefore keep in mind the brigade's nefarious nexus with the imperialists on the one hand and the sundry opportunist forces on the other. Defeating such an enemy calls for a massive and militant countrywide mobilisation of all democratic forces. Only a popular awakening propelled by a powerful revolutionary ideology and organisation can halt the fascist offensive and transform the prevailing climate of ideological bankruptcy and political opportunism. We need a strong and resurgent communist movement to thwart the fascist threat.

From the days of the Gandhian Satyagrah movement in Champaran through the Quit India movement of 1942 to the student-youth upsurge of 1974 and the continuing heroic quest of the rural poor for a life of dignity and justice, Bihar has been the foremost battleground in the fight for national independence, political democracy and socio-economic transformation. If the saffron brigade is trying to use Gujarat as the laboratory for their fascist experiments, Bihar has been the surest seed-bed of revolution. On the occasion of the Seventh all India Party Congress, delegates from all over the country and honoured guests from the international anti-imperialist movement will assemble in Bihar to chart the course for a powerful communist resurgence, for a strong and united left and democratic counter-offensive against the saffron design of fascist subversion. We look forward to your wholehearted support and solidarity to fulfil this task and carry forward the march to a new democratic India, a socialist India.

-- Central Committee CPI(ML)(Liberation)

Bandh to Protest Custodial Death of Party Cadre

The CPI(ML) strongly condemns and protests the death in custody of com. Nadha Naiko, a Party cadre of Gunupur in Orissa, on 9 Oct. The Party demands immediate institution of a judicial inquiry, severe punishment to the jail authorities in Gunupur and adequate compensation to the bereaved family. The Party also demands release of its leaders including district secretary Tirupati Gomango who are in jail for last two and half months under framed-up charges.

Comrade Nadha Naiko, who had been detained in Gunupur jail under judicial custody under false charges, fell sick suddenly, but jail authorities did not respond to the situation and remained careless. When his condition worsened further, authorities decided to take him to the Berhampur Hospital. He died on the way to Berhampur.

The death of comrade Naiko sparked off a widespread protests in the district. Enraged people took to the streets at many centres in Gunupur. A'Bandh' was observed in Padampur block on 12 October.

Lakhimpur in UP Turns Stormy Again

The landless peasants, mainly dalits, in Lakhimpur district of UP under the banner of CPI(ML) have intensified their struggle for occupation of 104 acres of land which is leased to them but is still under illegal occupation of mafia-landlords. This particular incident has fully exposed the state chief minister Mayawati's so called 'land reform' rhetoric as the mafia-landlords, who are continuously attacking and terrorising the poor struggling for their legal right to land in Lakhimpur, have been given police protection. But the struggling peasants have also resolved to heighten their struggle.

Workers-Agricultural Labourers Rally at Kumbhakonam in TN

The CPI(ML) held a Worker-Agricultural Labourer Rally at Kumbhakonam , in Tamilnadu, on October 3. Thousands of workers and agricultural laborers participating in the rally lashed out at Jayalalitha govt's announcement of raising the ration rice price to Rs.6 per kg for the additional 10 kg to be supplied to a cardholder. They also condemned the power tariff increase. The mass meeting was addressed by Party general secretary comrade Dipankar Bhattacharya, and others. Comrade Dipankar pointed out that the states of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka are playing water politics when both are reeling under severe drought conditions, while vast sections of the population are being denied the right to livelihood. Under the guise of waging a battle against Karnataka and the Centre, Jayalalitha has indeed launched a war against the poor and downtrodden people of Tamil Nadu by raising the price of ration rice and power tariffs by 30% across the board under the dictates of world financial institutions. Comparing with the mythical Kumbhakarna of the Ramayana who slept for six months to wake up for a day he said that the Central and state governments of India were even worse as they slept for five years on the issues of the people and woke up only during elections. He said that there was no separate legislation for the agricultural labourers even though there were so many laws for nearly all sections of society.

CPI(ML) Condemns Saffronisation of Text-books

The CPI(ML) strongly condemns the ongoing campaign launched by the Vajpayee govt., and piloted by its Human Resource Development Ministry, of systematic communalisation of the educational system. The two textbooks - 'Contemporary India' for class IX and 'India and the World' for class VI - recently published by the NCERT, reveal sectarian approach and communal bias of authors, editors and the NCERT establishement. These books have several factual errors and objectionable statements. These deliberate 'mistakes' intend to attack the secular-progressive perspective and format of the curriculum and education. Almost all opposition parties and student organisations have strongly objected to it.

Renewed Battle in Nepal between the Forces of Democratic Republic and Autocratic Monarchy

If democracy in Pakistan is periodically eclipsed by the military establishment, in Nepal it is the monarchy which is trying to consolidate its position at the expense of the country's fledgling multi-party democracy.

National and provincial elections in Pakistan were held on October 10 producing a hung verdict. More than the verdict, the exercise itself was significant for President Musharraf who expected the elections to lend greater legitimacy to his reign. Musharraf has been quite successful in this regard. Despite serious criticism by the European Union, both the US and the Commonwealth from which Pakistan had been suspended after the coup have generously endorsed the elections. A White House spokesperson described the election as an "important milestone in Pakistan's ongoing transition to democracy".

With both Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharief debarred from participating in the elections, the polls took place in a kind of political vacuum. The upshot, which critics describe as pre-determined and thoroughly rigged, has been a distinct rise of pro-Taliban hardliners. The Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), an alliance of six hardline Islamic parties, holds the key to 'government formation' in the hung Parliament. In the provincial elections, the MMA has won a clear majority in the NWFP bordering Afghanistan. The MMA is opposed to Pakistan's critical frontline support to the US in the ongoing war on terror.

In Nepal, King has begun to bare his political design by dismissing the cabinet and appointing a loyal interim government. With major parties excluded from the interim government and the fate of the next elections hanging in the balance, the forces of democracy will once again have to battle it out with the monarchy and the growing American support for the King. The curious coexistence of a powerful monarchy and a parliamentary democracy in Nepal seems to be giving way to a fresh round of confrontation. While all sincere democrats in Nepal stand for a republican victory over the autocratic monarchy, Nepal also remains a test case for the US. In the US scheme of things, democracy can only be allowed to function when it guaranatees unchallenged rightwing domination. Any hint of communist ascendance and Washington loses no time to derail the democratic process. From Indonesia and Chile to Venezuela and Nepal, same story is continuing.

 

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