TO BORROW a phrase from KN Panicker, “Another bastion is falling.” Many are at a loss to explain the phenomenon of saffronisation in a society that has been dominated by the left. Some liberals blame it on the so-called ‘pro-minority bias’ of the left. Some even go to the extent of treating communal fascism and minority fundamentalism at par with each other with the fond hope of drowning out the hue and cry being raised by the Sangh Parivar. Some are trying to find solace in the ‘Malayali’ identity and its glorious secular past. The social democratic left, on the other hand is still living in darkness refusing to acknowledge its failures and tactical mistakes. For the fact is that Marad is no overnight phenomenon. It is only the culmination of a long, steady process of saffronisation that has come full circle now. It dates back to a few decades coming to prominence in the post-Babri Masjid demolition phase. None less than the Chief Minister A K Antony himself revealed that no charge-sheets have been filed in 182 cases of communal incidents that were registered after 1992. On close observation one finds that more than 102 of the total 182 cases have been registered since 2002, during Antony’s own tenure.

The Rise of the Sangh Parivar

The Sangh Parivar is no more an organization dominated by the upper castes in Kerala. It is gradually making inroads among the backward Ezhava community that was known to be the long-standing stronghold of CPI(M). In the month of May in 2003 alone, two stalwarts of BJP, Advani and Joshi, were invited to different programmes of a community organization of the Ezhavas, the Sri Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (SNDP). The Sangh Parivar has worked aggressively to bring tribals of the state into its fold. They held a ‘Vanavasi Sanghamam’ addressed by RSS Chief KS Sudarshan, aimed at Hinduising the tribal community and countering the influence of the Church and Christian community. This Sanghamam was preceded by a well-orchestrated campaign by the VHP to celebrate the “reconversion” of a few Adivasis back to the Hindu fold. They have also managed to make inroads among a section of fishermen, a militant community in the coastal belt. Fishermen organized shakhas in their boats as a mark of protest against the ban on shakhas in public places.

The rise of Sangh Parivar institutions in the state has been systematic and meticulously planned. As on date, the RSS runs more that 4500 shakhas, 3 vernacular newspapers called Janmabhoomi, Kesari and Punyabhoomi, published by the BJP, the RSS and the VHP respectively, and a powerful cultural organization that has effectively occupied the space left vacant by the left and secular movements in the state. The BJP secured 8.05% votes in the parliament elections in 1999 and 5.2% votes in the last assembly elections.

Ideological offensives, selective targeting and abuse of secular, progressive intellectuals, physical attacks on minorities, focusing energies on North Kerala where the Muslim population is relatively high, are the strategies adopted by the Sangh Parivar. There are reports that they list out staunch anti-RSS candidates and make systematic attempts to defeat them at all costs. The Sangh Parivar also has the reputation of expertise in making bombs and other explosives.

Minority Fundamentalism

The rise of extremist elements among minority communities, particularly among Muslims, is a recent phenomenon and a direct reaction to the rise of the RSS. In the post-demolition phase, a moderate organization like the IUML was unable to fulfil the aspirations of the common people in the community and was also unable to address the basic problems like unemployment and socio-economic backwardness of the community, in spite of being part of the government. The September 11 incident and Afghanistan war have also contributed to the rise in the overall feeling of insecurity and the subsequent rise of extremism within the Muslim community. Young people in particular became disenchanted with IUML and shifted in large numbers towards extremist forces like Islamic Sevak Sangh (ISS) and then to Al-Umma after ISS was banned. Abdul Nasar Madaani who is in jail now founded the ISS and later floated a political party called PDP. PDP and NDF are considered to be the radical Muslim outfits apart from the extremist groups like Al-Umma.

Communal Attacks

The result of this growing communal polarization is visible in the growing clashes and killings. The Marad killings on May 2nd this year were a reaction to the communal clashes that occurred in January 2002. If Marad I was a systematic and planned clash orchestrated by the Sangh Parivar and the Hindu communal forces against the Muslims of the area, Marad II was a similar planned brutal attack, by Muslim fundamentalists. Earlier, the same Sangh Parivar forces orchestrated several clashes, attacking the Christian community and missionaries.

Competitive Communalism

The Congress led state government and the top administration are playing into the hands of communal fascists. Competitive communalism is the order of the day. Digvijay Singh opened the gates of Bhojsala to appease Hindu fundamentalism; Ashok Gehlot announced reservation for poor forwards; Antony permitted VHP’s Trishul Deeksha programme, allowed the ordinance banning or regulating physical training and shakhas to lapse, waited for RSS permission to visit Marad, and let down his cabinet colleague belonging to IUML by succumbing to the RSS pressure not to allow the Muslim minister to accompany the CM to Marad. More than 500 Muslim families have fled Marad fearing retaliation from the Sangh Parivar. But, the government has not taken any serious initiative to rehabilitate them. Rather, the Sangh Parivar is going on an offensive demanding rehabilitation for all those who were forced to flee as a consequence of the ‘Moplah Rebellion’ in 1921, in lieu of rehabilitation of 500 Muslim families of Marad in 2003. Antony is playing the card of soft Hindutva, refusing to learn any lesson from the Gujarat experience. Competitive communalism only aggravates communal polarization rather than securing any vote bank in favour of Congress, contrary to its wishes.

Challenges and the Left

After decades of alternating rule by the Congress led UDF and the CPI (M) led LDF, Kerala’s economy is in pretty bad shape today. More than 6 million youth in the state are unemployed. The prices of most commercial agricultural commodities have crashed. The annual loss for peasants and agricultural labourers is estimated to be in the range of Rs.6000 crores. The impact of the policies of globalisation and liberalisation has been very severe on fishermen, making them easy prey for communal fascists. The much-trumpeted land reform in the state was basically a tenancy reform and the amount of land redistributed to the landless was very meagre. The various sections of landless people like the agricultural labourers, the tribals, the fishermen, etc., did not benefit much from the land reform. In this context, the alienation of tribals from the left is not surprising.

On the other hand, the CPI (M) seems to be gradually being alienated from its original stronghold of the Ezhava community, which constitutes 26% of the population. This community was broadly influenced by the ideas of the social reformer Narayana Guru and then by communists. They were the major constituent of historic ‘temple entry struggles’ in the past. Perhaps, they were also those who could gain something out of the land reform policies of the CPI(M) as many of them were also tenants in those days. Resentment in Ezhava ranks against CPI(M) began, perhaps, with the expulsion of K.R. Gowriamma who was No.2 in the party in Kerala. The rift is growing, and now Ezhava community groups like the SNDP have close links with communal forces.

Muslims and Christians together constitute over 43% of the population almost equaling each other in numbers. If ghettoisation takes place as in Marad, it will have to be demographically spread all over the state. This demographic balance and spread is pregnant with both possibilities: either clashes may be contained as the pragmatic politico-economic process will dictate peace, or the clashes will snowball into a Gujarat-like disaster. Generally, the left does not seem to be an enthusiastic choice of Muslims in Kerala compared to Congress.

Saffronisation of Kerala society had already gone a long way before the contemporary efforts of its political representative, the BJP, to shift the balance of forces in its favour. Given the demographic balance of the state, it is not that easy for communal fascists to assume political power, but at the same time it cannot be ruled out in the long term. EMS Namboodiripad’s thesis that “the Hindus here are so caste-ridden, the caste rules regarding their mutual social relations are so rigid, it is extremely difficult to create a sense of Hindu solidarity” (Kerala – Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow) has not held water.

The need of the hour is to wage a relentless ideological struggle against communal fascism and the Sangh Parivar, and to reestablish the hegemony of rationalism and radicalism in society. The left and secular forces should reassert in all spheres including culture. Such an assertion is not possible without honestly reviewing and admitting the tactical mistakes and failures of the progressive forces, and shedding all illusions about the ‘secular character’ of the Congress.

— Shankar